May 14th, 2025
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Commencing his quadri-day foray across the Middle East on Tuesday, President Donald Trump initiated his itinerary with an audience alongside Saudi Arabia's de facto sovereign, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, engaging in deliberations centring on the United States' exertions aimed at the dissolution of Iran's nuclear enterprise, the cessation of hostilities in Gaza, the stabilization of oil price indices at restrained levels, amongst other pressing matters.
Prince Mohammed extended a cordial reception to Trump upon his disembarkation from Air Force One, marking the commencement of his peregrination across the Middle East.
Subsequently, the two heads of state withdrew to an opulent reception chamber within the Riyadh aerodrome, where Trump and his retinue were ministered traditional Arabic qahwa by vigilant retainers arrayed in ceremonial bandoliers.
The elaborate ceremonial preparations were well underway prior to Trump's disembarkation, with Royal Saudi Air Force F-15s furnishing a ceremonial escort for Air Force One during its approach to the kingdom's metropole.
It was anticipated that Trump and Prince Mohammed would attend a luncheon at the Royal Court, an event to which numerous pre-eminent business magnates, such as Stephen Schwarzman, CEO of Blackstone Group, Larry Fink, CEO of BlackRock, and Elon Musk, CEO of Tesla and SpaceX, had been solicited.
Musk also presides over the Department of Government Efficiency, a contentious initiative undertaken during the second term with a mandate to address profligacy, deception, and malfeasance within the U.S. government.
Collateral Narratives
Delving into the intricate implications and multifaceted considerations surrounding prospective Saudi-US nuclear engagement.
With regional imbroglios escalating, Trump's itinerary encompasses a sojourn through the Middle East.
Saudi Aramco, the hydrocarbon behemoth, has disclosed its Q1 financial performance, registering a net profit of $26 billion, a figure representing a 4.6% year-on-year diminution.
Subsequently, the heir apparent is poised to fete Trump at a state dinner, coinciding with Trump's scheduled participation in a U.S.-Saudi investment conference on Tuesday.
"The collaboration between Saudis and Americans yields profoundly beneficial outcomes; indeed, frequently, it precipitates exceptional achievements," remarked Saudi Investment Minister Khalid al-Falih.
Saudi Arabia, alongside other OPEC+ members, had already bolstered their standing with Trump early in his subsequent mandate by augmenting petroleum output, as Trump perceived inexpensive energy as a cornerstone for cost reduction and inflation mitigation for the American populace, and moreover, the president posited that diminished oil prices would expedite the cessation of Russia's conflict in Ukraine.
Nevertheless, the Saudi Arabian economy continues to exhibit a profound reliance on hydrocarbons, necessitating a fiscal equilibrium point for petroleum at $96 to $98 per barrel to achieve budgetary parity, raising uncertainties regarding the protracted willingness of OPEC+, spearheaded by Saudi Arabia, to maintain elevated production quotas given Brent crude's closure at $64.77 a barrel on Monday.
Lower oil prices, according to Jon Alterman, a senior Middle East analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, pose a significant challenge for the Gulf states, inasmuch as they do not inexorably jeopardise economic diversification initiatives, though they undeniably render their implementation more arduous.
Trump's selection of the kingdom as his initial port of call was predicated upon its commitment to substantial investments within the United States; however, Trump ultimately journeyed to Italy last month for Pope Francis' funeral, thus rendering Riyadh the inaugural overseas destination of his premiership.
The troika of nations gracing the president's itinerary—namely, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates—all harbour significant real estate developments spearheaded by the Trump Organization, helmed by Trump's two eldest sons. These ventures encompass a towering edifice in Jeddah, a palatial hotel in Dubai, and a sprawling golf course and villa complex situated in Qatar.
Trump endeavours to vindicate his transactional modus operandi in global affairs amidst Democratic excoriation over the centrifugal effects of his worldwide tariff imbroglio and his stance vis-à-vis Russia's belligerence in Ukraine, which, they contend, are alienating the United States from its traditional partners.
It is anticipated that he will unveil accords with the three affluent nations, encompassing ventures in artificial intelligence, the augmentation of energy collaboration, and potentially novel arms transactions with Saudi Arabia; earlier this month, the administration had already signalled preliminary assent to the sale of air-to-air missiles valued at $3.5 billion for Saudi Arabia's fighter aircraft.
Yet Trump's arrival in the Mideast coincided with a period wherein his primary regional confederates, Israel and Saudi Arabia, were demonstrably misaligned with his prevailing strategy.
Prior to the sojourn, Trump declared the cessation of a nearly bi-monthly aerial bombardment campaign conducted by the United States targeting the Houthis in Yemen, citing assurances from the Iran-backed insurgents of their commitment to refrain from further assaults on maritime vessels navigating a pivotal international trade artery.
The administration failed to apprise Israel — which remains a perennial target of Houthi aggression — of the accord prior to Trump's public pronouncement, emblematic of a recurring pattern wherein the Israelis were kept uninformed regarding the administration's parleys with shared adversaries.
In March, a noteworthy informational lacuna transpired for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu concerning the Biden administration's communications; he remained apprised of nascent dialogues with Hamas regarding the Gazan conflict only subsequent to their commencement. Furthermore, his awareness of ongoing clandestine American deliberations with Iran anent nuclear issues was singularly acquired upon then-President Trump's public pronouncement of these during Netanyahu's recent sojourn to the Oval Office.
“Israel shall be obliged to defend itself of its own accord,” Netanyahu declared last week in the wake of Trump’s announcement of a Houthi truce. “Should other parties choose to align themselves with us — our American compatriots — this development would prove eminently more advantageous.”
William Wechsler, the incumbent senior director of the Rafik Hariri Center and Middle East Programs at the Atlantic Council, posited that Trump’s unilateral decision to bypass Israel on his inaugural Middle East sojourn was truly exceptional.
“The salient takeaway emerging from this, at least in the extant iteration of the itinerary, is that the governments of the Gulf states evince a more robust affiliation with President Trump than does the incumbent Israeli administration at present,” Wechsler posited.
In the interim, Trump harbours aspirations of reinitiating his prior administration's endeavour to orchestrate a rapprochement between the paramount regional powers of the Middle East, namely Israel and Saudi Arabia, building upon the foundations of his Abraham Accords initiative which culminated in the normalization of relations between Israel and a cohort of nations encompassing Sudan, the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco.
However, Riyadh has articulated unequivocal stipulations for normalisation, specifically demanding robust American security guarantees, comprehensive assistance concerning the kingdom's nascent nuclear programme, and substantive progress towards Palestinian statehood; nonetheless, given the ongoing conflagration between Israel and Hamas, and the Israeli government's explicit pronouncements regarding the potential razing and occupation of Gaza, prospects for advancing the Palestinian statehood agenda appear exceedingly slender.
In a significant diplomatic development, Prince Mohammed recently extended hospitality to Palestinian Vice President Hussein Sheikh in Jeddah, marking the latter's inaugural foreign excursion since his assumption of office in April.
Hussain Abdul-Hussain, a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, posited that the crown prince seemed to be elliptically conveying to Trump that tangible advancement toward Palestinian statehood is a prerequisite for the Saudis to contemplate a substantive normalization accord with the Israelis.
"Given the Saudis' proclivity for presaging their diplomatic manoeuvres, this constitutes a preemptive dissuasion: 'Banish any contemplation of soliciting our benevolence concerning normalisation,'" Abdul-Hussain remarked.
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